SEPARATIST MOVEMENTS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA AND THEIR IMPLICATION TO NATIONAL SECURITY. AN ANALYSIS FROM HUMAN SECURITY PERSPECTIVE

INTRODUCTION

Southeast Asia is a region that is always shrouded by various types of conflict. These conflicts can be divided into two stages, namely at the international level and also at the domestic level or in the country. The measures used to manage and resolve conflicts is also subject to the conflicts, as well as several other arrangements to be taken by the state-countries are involved, factors such as political, economic, social and safety.

Stability and security are the two main things that drive the regional fabric. Since established in 1967 during the Cold War era, ASEAN has seen the importance of these two things. ASEAN foundation as a neutral organization has led the association does not take proactive steps in conflict management, especially when it comes to the internal conflicts of member states. However, the conflict has caused anxiety to the member states when the effects of the conflict have spread beyond the boundaries of the country and indirectly interfere with the stability and security of the region. Among the effects of this conflict is the activity of criminal activity, the influx of refugees and terrorists are abundant to transcend national borders that face the conflict. This conflict has an impact on the stability and security of countries in the region.

Southeast Asia in a Glance

            Southeast Asia is a region that can be divided into two parts; continental (mainland) and maritime. The overall area of ​​Southeast Asia is 4,435,618 square km. Until 2015, the region is inhabited by over 622 million people[1]. Southeast Asia is a region rich in diversity of race and religion. Countries in the continental or mainland such as Thailand, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia and Myanmar, the majority of the population practice Buddhism. Similarly in Singapore, where majority of the population is Buddhist. Countries in the Malay Archipelago such as Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei, the majority of the population are Moslem. While the Philippines and East Timor, majoroti population are Christians by religion.

Southeast Asia is one of the main sources for oil and gas. This region is also the source for logging. The region has experienced rapid economic growth since 1980. Global economic growth is due to the presence of foreign investors into the local industry. However, the financial crisis in 1997 has led to economic growth in Southeast Asia stagnated.

National Security Concepts

            Safety refers to the absence of a threat to the entity in the context of a country. During the Cold War, state and military issues dominated the academic in the field of security. At that point, there was a study conducted refers to the powers of competition involving the use of nuclear weapons between the Soviet Union and the United States. However, post-cold war has shown that not only the issue of the military alone can jeopardize national securities; even there are other issues that could threaten national security such as the economy, environment, community, social and even political. It includes the issue of migrations, transnational criminal networks, terrorism, economic collapse and many more.

            In the view of national security Prabhakaran Paleri, author of National Security; Imperatives and Challenges, national security can be defined as:

            "The measurable state of the capability of a nation to overcome the multi-dimensional threats to the apparent well-being of its people and its survival as a nation-state at any given time, by balancing all instruments of state policy through governance, which can be indexes by computation, empirically or otherwise, and is extendable to global security by variables external to it ". [2]

            When it comes to national security, there are five elements, namely Military Security, Political Security, Economic Security, Societal Security and Environment Security. Military security is involved two cases in offensive and defensive capabilities, and the country's response to the destination country. Political security organizations also stressed on the stability of the country, the government system, and ideology those contribute to legitimacy. Economic security concerns access to the resources, finance and markets necessary to sustain acceptable levels of welfare and state power. Societal security concerns the ability of societies to reproduce their traditional patterns of language, culture, association, and religious and national identity and custom within acceptable conditions for evolution. Environmental security concerns the maintenance of the local and the planetary biosphere as the essential support system on which all other human enterprises depend. These five sectors do not operate in isolation from each other. Each defines a focal point within the security perspective, and a way of ordering priorities, but all are woven together[3].

Human Security Concepts

            Generally human security is "freedom from want" and "freedom from fear"[4]. Some scholars explain that human security ‘is human security aims to present arguments on the foundations of security and stability within and between states’. There is a greater understanding that the lack of human security - such as deprivation and socioeconomic exclusion, human rights violations, and health threats such as HIV / AIDS - has an impact on security and stability within and between states.

Why human security needed? This is because the current situation requires a response to the threats that are new and old; poverty, ethnic violence, human trafficking, climate change, pandemic disease, international terrorism and economic recession. These threats often transcend national borders and are outside the context of traditional security that focus more on the threat of invasion from foreign countries. Human security is also required as a comprehensive step to use a variety of new opportunities to address the overall threat. Threats to human security can not be addressed through conventional mechanisms alone. Instead, it requires a new mechanism which has a mutual relationship and dependence between development, human rights and national security.

            The Commission of Human Security (CHS)[5] in the final report Human Security Now has defined as:

            "... To protect the vital core of all human lives in ways that enhance human freedoms and human fulfillment. Human security means protecting fundamental freedoms - freedom that is the essence of life. It means protecting people from critical (severe) and pervasive (widespread) threats and situation. It means using processes that build on people's strength and aspirations. It means creating political, social, environmental, economic, military and cultural systems that together give people the building blocks of survival, livelihood and dignity. "((CHS), 2003, p. 4)

CHS has defined human security in a new concept, which it has moved away from the concept of security of state-centric from focusing on the national security of the invaded by the outside to a concept that focuses on individual security, threats of various aspects of human life and encourage an integrated approach and friendly people to maintain peace, security and human development in the country and the region.

Human security involves a broad understanding of the threats to be faced and also the reasons that lead to unsafe conditions such as in the economic, food, health, environmental, personal, community and political security. The table below shows the conditions in which threats to human security form.

Ser	Types of Security	Examples of Main Threat
(a)	(b)	(c)
1.	Economic Security	Poverty, unemployment
2.	Food Security	Hunger, famine
3.	Health Security	Deadly infectious diseases, unsafe food, malnutrition, lack of access to basic health care
4.	Environmental security	Environmental degradation, resource depletion, natural disasters, pollution
5.	Personal security	Physical violence, crime, terrorism, domestic violence, child labour
6.	Community security	Inter-ethnic, religious and other identity based tensions
7.	Political security	Political repression, human rights abuses

Table 1: Possible Types of Human Security Threats[6]

Human security emphasizes the threat and response. Threats and responses are interlinked in a domino effect, namely that each threat and the action will lead to a threat and the actions of others. For example, violent conflict can lead to deprivation and poverty which in turn leads to a lack of resources, infectious diseases, the setback in the education and others. Threat in a country or region could spread to the wider region and a negative impact on the region and international security.

Definition of Separatist

Definition of separatist is a person who supports the separation of a particular group of people from a larger body on the basis of ethnicity, religion, or gender[7]. Other definition are member of a group in a country that wants to establish a new separate country with its own government[8]. While armed separatism defined by Paribatra and Samudavanija (1989) as,

“A process whereby an ethnic group, seeks to secede or gain autonomy from the control, De facto and De jure[9], of a given state, through an organized and purposeful use of force, alone or in combination with other means. Such use of force constitutes acts of revolutionary violence in that it expresses a rejection of the prevailing political system and a determination to bring about ‘progressive’ changes by overthrowing this system”[10].

SEPARATIST MOVEMENT IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

            At present, the region is facing the problem of separatist groups and conflict. Common separatist movement related to Southeast Asia are the conflict in the southern Philippines and Islamic separatist groups in Pattani, Yala and Narathiwat in southern Thailand. The demands of this group focused on the socioeconomic and political power and demand autonomy. Apart from these, they also demanded the separation and independence. These conflicts have resulted in violations of human rights, refugee and high rates led to a political firestorm to the involved countries. This separatist movement not only threatens the security of the country but to the region as a whole. The effect of this movement has raised doubts over the safety of the region. The success of the earlier separatist movement has encouraged separatist movements in the region to perform the same movements in their countries. For example, East Timor's independence from Indonesia in 1999 has led to hunt separatist movement demanding independence from the Philippines.

The Separatist Movement in Southern Thailand

The separatist movement of the Patani-Malays consists of three provinces of Thailand: Pattani, Yala, and Narathiwat. The population in these provinces consists of 80 percent ethnic Malay-Muslims. Whereas Muslim make up a minority with approximately four percent of the Thailand population[11]. Patani rebellions and uprisings against Siamese rule have always been part of its history. With Bangkok’s intensified efforts to disseminate Thai national identity in the first decades of the twentieth century, the Patani separatist movement started to manifest itself politi­cally. Especially the two authoritarian governments of Phibunsongkram (1938–1944 and 1948–1957) enforced strict assimilation policies “that adversely affected all facets of Muslim identity and ethnicity, including matters of attire, bureaucratic adminis­tration, education, judicial settlements and revenue collection”[12]. The 1950s also saw the systematic resettlement of Buddhists from the Northeast of Thailand into the Patani region[13].

           

Year 2004 was the second in Patani conflict which came the attacks and looting of weapons in a military camp in Narathiwat province by a group of unknown individuals. Frequent violence in the province of Pattani, Narathiwat and Yala resulting in deaths and destruction of property. From January 2004 to March 2013, nearly 13,000 violent events were recorded, resulting in 15,574 casualties (5,614 dead and 9,960 injured). Overall, approximately 60% of those killed were Muslims, the majority of whom were targeted by insurgents, and the rest were killed by state security forces or unknown groups. The remaining 40% of those who died were Buddhist, and most likely killed by insurgents[14]. This situation gives a bad impression to the Patani conflict when the intensity of the conflict seen rising every year. This conflict is asymmetric although still not brought under control by the Thai government. During the reign of Thaksin Shinawatra, he has approved a total of 40,000 military and police personnel serving in Patani.

            Separatist groups emerged in Patani, which demonstrates the continuing of the insurgents’ political agenda. The first group, the Barisan Nasional Pembebasan Patani (Patani National Liberation Front or BNPP) founded by Malay aristocrats, was mainly “a conservative group com­mitted to orthodox Islam. As stated in its constitution, the basic political ideology of the BNPP [was] based on the Al-Quran, Al Hadith and other sources of Islamic law”[15]. However, the BNPP was divided into several fractions that favored either independence, autonomy within Thailand, or integration into Malay­sia[16]. While the Pertubuhan Pembebasan Pattani Bersatu (Pa­tani United Liberation Organization or PULO) was more pragmatic and less religious in its outlook. With a broader base than the BNPP, its goal was to achieve an independent sovereign Muslim state through armed struggle, which also led to the establishment of its armed wing, the Pattani United Liberation Army (PULA)[17]. The third group, the Barisan Revolusi Nasional (National Revolutionary Front or BRN) was opposed to the nationalist agenda of PULO and mistrusted the BNPP’s goal of restoring the feudal Pattani sultanate. Besides these three main separatist groups, there was a wide range of smaller groups that emerged especially in the 1970s, but all of them were fraction and internally divided on issues of ideologies, strategies, and aims.

            Since the 2004 arms heist, violence has continued on an almost daily basis and taken the lives of more 5,000 people. In April 2004, 32 suspected insurgents who rallied in Pattani’s ancient Krue Se mosque were killed by security forces. Following their arrest at an anti-government rally in Tak Bai, 78 protesters accidently suffocated in military trucks. Also in 2004, Thai Muslim lawyer and human rights activist, Somchai Neelapaijit disappeared. Although the government has formally investigated all of these tragedy, no one has ever been trial and jailed. Over the years many more people have disappeared or been detained for long periods and tortured and these cases are well documented[18]. In 2005, the Thai government established the National Reconciliation Commission (NRC) to recommend how to promote peace and reconciliation in Thai society, and especially in the three southern border provinces. In March 2006, the NRC issued a report which proposed a number of policy and procedural recommendations including: dialogue with insurgent groups; appointing more competent and culturally-aware government officials to positions in the South; improving the efficiency of the justice process based on truth, the rule of law and accountability; improving the Islamic law system; reforming the education system, including developing a language policy to provide education in Pattani-Malay; promoting cultural diversity; declaring Pattani-Malay a working language; and promoting interfaith dialogues[19]. Unfortunately, although supported by some senior officials, these recommendations were not taken up by the government.

Until 2013, insurgents saw little indication that the Thai government was prepared to make sufficient concessions to warrant them to abandoning an armed struggle. However, on February 28, 2013, the government initiated more formal peace negotiations with a faction of the Barisan Revolusi National (BRN) separatist movement, and both sides signed a General Consensus on the Peace Dialogue Process which committed both sides to engaging in peace dialogues facilitated by Malaysia. While formal negotiations had yet to start by May 2013, the first follow on dialogue took place on March 28, 2013, and future ones are scheduled.[20]

The Separatist Movement in Southern Philippines

The history of the Moro can be described as a continuous struggle against foreign domination from Spanish, American and finally the Philippine nation state[21]. Before the arrival of colonization, Islamic groups inhabited the southern regions of the Philippine archipelago, including the main is­land of Mindanao and the adjoining islands in the Sulu Sea[22]. Unlike the Patani, the Moro are not a homogeneous ethnic group. It consists of 13 ethno-linguitic group that make up the Moro people. In pre-colonial times, there were several sultanates in the Mindanao, each of them has a separate political entity[23].

The Philippines achieved independence in 1946, but for the Muslims of Mindanao this meant just another transfer of colonial mastery. The Jabidah Massacre in 1968 sparked the political es­tablishment of the Moro Independence Movement which preceded the foundation of the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in 1972. The aim of the MNLF was to fight for Moro independence and for the return of ancestral lands. The group received support from the international Islamic community and was granted observ­er status in the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC)[24]. The Moros fought for independence of the Mindanao-Sulu region because of exploitative economic policies and uneven investment flows, which benefits industries in the northern Philippines. Due to this socio-political and economic reason, the separatist Islamic insurgency in the southern Philippines has been fought since 1971.

Presi­dent Marcos declared martial law in September 1972. The fighting continued with killing several thousands and triggering massive refugee flows[25]. After the situation reached a stalemate in 1975, peace negotiations fa­cilitated by Libya and the OIC led to the signing of the Tripoli Agreement in 1976 that stipulated an area of Muslim autonomy for 13 provinces. However, tensions within the MNLF caused an internal split and led to the establishment of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The MILF propagated a reli­gious turn in the separatist struggle and, unsatisfied with the reached compromise, pushed for the continuation of militant struggle. The MNLF itself later disagreed with the Philipine government on the implementation of the Tripoli Agreement and continued fighting as well.

After the end of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986, the new Aquino government reopened negotiations with the MNLF, which culminated in provisions for an Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Successive Philipine governments have since repeatedly tried to negotiate and implement the ARMM but, faced with a fractioned separatist movement, all these efforts have not brought lasting peace to Mindanao[26]. It was estimated in 2011 that since the 1970s, around 120,000 people have been killed in violent clashes and about 2 million people have been displaced by the separatist conflict.

IMPLICATION OF SEPARATIST MOVEMENT TO MALAYSIA SECURITY

Implication from Southern Thailand Conflict

Separatists in southern Thailand are ethnic Malay Muslims. They have many relatives in Kelantan, Kedah and Perak. Malaysia is often the focus of a separatist group fled especially when hunted by Authority of Thailand[27]. In fact, Malaysia has raised concerns about a possible influx of refugees from the conflict area to Malaysia even if this does not happen. Thus it is not surprising why Bangkok is often accused Malaysia of giving shelter to the separatist Pattani. In 2004, Thaksin Shinawatra, has repeatedly alleged that Malaysia helps the separatists, although this is often denied by Malaysia. This has led to tensions between Malaysia and Thailand until Thaksin Shinawatra was ousted by the military in a coup in October 2006. Although the new government is trying to handle the conflict in southern Thailand, but has yet not show any drastic changes.

However, efforts have been made by Thai government to improve relations with Malaysia. The two sides have been working to find a solution to the conflict. In this context, the separatist group more likely to engage with transnational crime to finance their struggle[28]. But profit is not their goal as long as they can generate income to support their movement. Therefore, the separatist group often associated with transnational criminal groups such as the cultivation and trafficking of drugs. Separatist groups involved have been associated with the cultivation and drug trafficking to finance their group. This has been damaging the reputation of a separatist group that has been able to lead support their relatives in Malaysia unequivocal.

In addition, the Malaysia-Thailand border is an important route used by transnational criminal groups. Not only of weapons or drugs brought in from Thailand but also illegal human smuggling into this country. Thousands of citizens of Myanmar, Bangladesh and Nepal pending in several cities on the border to Thailand to Malaysia illegally transported. This shows that this activity is underway, but only a few cases were detected. The presence of foreigners wills certainly increase more illegal immigrants who have already reached large numbers in Malaysia.

Implication from Southern Philippines Conflict

The most famous incident involving the kidnapping of Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in Pulau Sipadan on April 23, 2000. The kidnapping involving 21 hostages, including 10 foreign tourists. Kidnapping activities involving citizens of different races is quite good. Kidnapping incident in Sipadan was followed by a series of kidnappings involving ASG; among others, on 10 September 2000, ASG act of kidnapping in Pulau Pandanan involving three hostages. This incident was followed by the kidnapping of six workers Borneo Paradise Ecoresort on 5 October 2003. Subsequently, on 11 April 2004, three crew members were kidnapped TB East Ocean. Here is the kidnapping of three crew members of the tug boat, near Mataking on 2 April 2005 associated with the Abu Sayyaf. Five kidnappers were confirmed by the Philippine National Police and Tawi-Tawi, Sadikul Sahali.

According to a series of kidnapping shows that ASG will keep the east coast of Sabah as a base to launch kidnapping. They will continue to launch a series of kidnappings from time to time because the weakness that exists in this area, despite knowing that the security forces continue to monitor the area. This will be a thorn in the flesh of the security in Sabah's east coast. Although kidnapping is not done by ASG own but they likely aided by sympathizers or wish to obtain financial resources from the abduction.

The issue of loyalty to the state population is also something that must be thought from a security standpoint. This is because, in the event of any conflict or war with a neighboring country, the possibility of people support the enemy can not be ignored. The existence of ethnic population from Philipines have caused a chain migration occurs so that their presence in Sabah was never broken. How reliable is their loyalty? In this case there are two possibilities that can be viewed on the issue of loyalty. Firstly, involving people Bajau-Sulu descent who had long resided in Sabah. The issue of ownership documents such as identity cards, birth certificates or international passport is not a new thing among immigrants. Second, if there is a war with a neighboring country if they would remain loyal to Malaysia? This matter should be raised because they are likely to be intermediaries who can deliver a lot of secret information that will be used by the enemy in case of war. Possible illegal Filipino immigrants in Sabah that also will be the eyes and ears of their home country in case of dispute.

The presence of immigrants in large numbers in a country already
certainly cause problems for the host country. Between 500,000 to 700,000 illegal immigrants (PTI) found living in Sabah compared to the total population of 2.45 million people. They can pose a threat to the safety of local residents. Smuggling in the region is also driven by immigrants with the help of foreign syndicates. Smuggling involves items such as drugs (cocaine) and a firearm. One example of an attempt to smuggle in weapons from outside is when the ATM has detained 22 foreigners in Langkayan Island, Sandakan on April 27. A total of ammunition, explosives and shotguns found in the arrest. Smuggling cocaine into the country also comes from neighboring countries, especially from Zamboanga, Maibog, Tawi-Tawi, Bongao and Palawan. The drugs were then distributed to all the cities throughout the state, especially in Sandakan, Tawau, Lahad Datu and Kota Kinabalu. These two items smuggling endanger the safety of the local population in terms of crime will occur and the involvement of children in place of drugs.

The presence of immigrants in Sabah also bring an infectious disease but there are some diseases can be almost eliminated by the government. The government has sent back 15,000 illegal workers return home after being found infected with desease such as tuberculosis and cholera. In fact, other diseases such as hepatitis, leprosy and gonorrhea are found among immigrants. Immigrants also made Kampung Air as the center of criminal activity and settlements without rules and laws. In the village there is some water that is populated by the descendants of the Philippines which was originally built as a refugee settlement center. The village is included Kampung Pondo in Pulau Gaya, Kota Kinabalu, Kampung BDC, in Sandakan, Kampung Icebox & Village Hidayah, Tawau, Puyut village, Kampung Bakau, Lahad Datu and Kampung Selamat, simunul village and village Stork-stork, Semporna.47 smugglers use water village as the center for landing and distributing contraband items such as drugs, weapons, cigarettes and so on. This is because the chopstick that is used to transport water to the ground through the house. Here cocaine is sold openly. Counterfeit money changing hands.

CONCLUSION

Based on the above discussion it is clear that the Southeast Asia particularly Malaysia actually dealing with a variety of security issues, whether from inside and outside and indirectly threaten the sovereignty of Malaysia as a whole. The Thailand and Philippines are two countries that can pose a threat to the security of the state. The threat of the Thailand can come from the spillover of refugee, illegal immigrant and trans-border activities. Philippines can come from political unrest which always occurs in the southern Philippines as well as illegal immigrants. In this case, although the issue is more focused on the state, but the solution can not be achieved without the willing from the central government. Furthermore, it must be smart in solving this issue. In addition to considering the question of security, on the other hand, the government should look at this issue from the economic aspect and so on. Therefore, it is proposed to see that a solution on this issue need to negotiations and diplomacy approach as it involves a neighboring country. Instead, up to now Kuala Lumpur are still facing difficulties in finding solutions to political unrest in the southern Thailand and Philippines and other several issues though difficult to contain but with the close cooperation of the two countries can be handled properly. Only through such an approach, integrity will be assured and at the same time national interests will be safeguarded.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1.         Community Relation Division (CRD) ASEAN (2016). ASEAN Community in Figures (ACIF) 2015 (ISBN 978-602-0980-94-2). Jakarta. ASEAN Secretariat Office.

2.         Paleri, Prabhakaran (2008). National Security: Imperatives and Challenges. New Delhi, India. Tata McGraw-Hill. p. 521. ISBN 978-0-07-065686-4.

3.         Buzan, B (1991). New Patterns of Global Security in the Twenty-First Century. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944), Vol. 67, No. 3, pp. 431-451

4.         UN Secretary General Kofi Annan calls the international community to work towards achieving the twin objectives of ‘freedom from fear’ and ‘freedom from want’ in 2000 Millennium Summit (6 – 8 Sept 2000). UN Headquarter, NY.

5.         The Commission on Human Security was established in January 2001 in response to the UN Secretary-General’s call at the 2000 Millennium Summit for a world “free from want” and “free from fear.” The Commission consisted of twelve prominent international figures, including Mrs. Sadako Ogata (former UN High Commissioner for Refugees) and Professor Amartya Sen (1998 Nobel Economics Prize Laureate).

6.         Based on the UNDP Human Development Report of 1994 and the HSU.

7.         Oxford Online Dictionary, Oxford University Press (2016). Retrieved from https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/separatist.

8.         Longman Dictionary, 2^nd Edition (2003). London, England.

9.         “De jure” – (adverb) according to rightful entitlement or claim; by right. Retrieved from Mobile Oxford Dictionary of English (2012).

10.       Paribatra, Sukhumband M.R and Samudavanija, Chai-Anan, 1984. Factors behind Armed Separatism: A Framework for Analysis. In Kamarulzaman Askandar, Conflict and Conflict Management in Southeast Asia: Trends and Patterns. Penang, Malaysia: Universiti Sains Malaysia.

11.       Abuza, Z. (2009). Conspiracy of silence. The insurgency in Southern Thailand. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. p.26.

12.       Tan, A. T. H. (2007). A handbook of terrorism and insurgency in Southeast Asia. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar. p.267.

13.       Burke, A. Tweedie, P. & Poocharoen, Ora-onn (2013). The Contested Corners of Asia: Subnational Conflict and International Development Assistance. The Case of Southern Thailand. The Asia Foundation, ISBN 978-616-91408-3-2.

14.       Che Man, W. K. (1990). Muslim separatism. The Moros of southern Philippines and the Malays of Southern Thailand. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. p.105.

15.       Human Right Watch. No One is Safe: Insurgent Attacks on Civilians in Thailand’s Southern Border Provinces (2007). Retrived from https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/08/27/no-one-safe/insurgent-attacks-civilians-thailands-southern-border-provinces (13 Nov 16)

16.       The Asia Foundation. The Case of Southern Thailand. 2013.

17.       Hussin, P. S. (2003). Challenge of war and search for peace. In A. Rasul (Ed.), Muslim perspective on the Min­danao conflict. The road to peace and reconciliation (pp. 10–19). Makati City, Philippines: Asian Institute of Management Policy Center.

18.       Abreu, L. M. (2008). Colonialism and resistance: A historical perspective. In B. M. Tuazon (Ed.), The Moro reader. History and contemporary struggles of the Bangsamoro people (pp. 8–17). Quezon City, Philippines: Policy Study Publication and Advocacy, Center for People Empowerment in Governance in Partnership with Light a Candle Movement for Social Change. pp. 9-10.

19.       May, R. J. (2013). The Philippines. The ongoing saga of Moro separatism. In E. Aspinall, R. Jeffrey, & A. J. Regan (Eds.), Diminishing conflicts in Asia and the Pacific. Why some subside and others don’t (pp. 221–232). London, UK: Routledge. pp. 222-223.

20.       Pitsuwan, Surin. (1985). Islam and Malay Nationalism: A Case Study of the Malay Muslim of Southern Thailand. Bangkok: Thai Kadi Research Institute, Thammasat University.

21.       Giraldo, J. & Harold Trinkunas. (2007). “Transnational Crime” in Alan Collins [ed.]. Contemporary Security Studies. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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[1] Community Relation Division (CRD) ASEAN (2016). ASEAN Community in Figures (ACIF) 2015 (ISBN 978-602-0980-94-2). Jakarta. ASEAN Secretariat Office.

[2] Paleri, Prabhakaran (2008). National Security: Imperatives and Challenges. New Delhi, India. Tata McGraw-Hill. p. 521. ISBN 978-0-07-065686-4.

[3] Buzan, B (1991). New Patterns of Global Security in the Twenty-First Century. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944-), Vol. 67, No. 3, pp. 431-451

[4] UN Secretary General Kofi Annan calls the international community to work towards achieving the twin objectives of ‘freedom from fear’ and ‘freedom from want’ in 2000 Millennium Summit (6 – 8 Sept 2000). UN Headquarter, NY.

[5] The Commission on Human Security was established in January 2001 in response to the UN Secretary-General’s call at the 2000 Millennium Summit for a world “free from want” and “free from fear.” The Commission consisted of twelve prominent international figures, including Mrs. Sadako Ogata (former UN High Commissioner for Refugees) and Professor Amartya Sen (1998 Nobel Economics Prize Laureate).

[6] Based on the UNDP Human Development Report of 1994 and the HSU.

[7] Oxford Online Dictionary, Oxford University Press (2016). Retrieved from https://en.oxforddictionaries.com/definition/separatist.

[8] Longman Dictionary, 2^nd Edition (2003). London, England.

[9] “De jure” – (adverb) according to rightful entitlement or claim; by right. Retrieved from Mobile Oxford Dictionary of English (2012).

[10] Paribatra, Sukhumband M.R and Samudavanija, Chai-Anan, 1984. Factors behind Armed Separatism: A Framework for Analysis. In Kamarulzaman Askandar, Conflict and Conflict Management in Southeast Asia: Trends and Patterns. Penang, Malaysia: Universiti Sains Malaysia.

[11] Abuza, Z. (2009). Conspiracy of silence. The insurgency in Southern Thailand. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. p.26.

[12] Tan, A. T. H. (2007). A handbook of terrorism and insurgency in Southeast Asia. Cheltenham, UK: Edward Elgar. p.267.

[13] Abuza, Z. (2009). Conspiracy of silence. The insurgency in Southern Thailand. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. p.15.

[14] Burke, A. Tweedie, P. & Poocharoen, Ora-onn (2013). The Contested Corners of Asia: Subnational Conflict and International Development Assistance. The Case of Southern Thailand. The Asia Foundation, ISBN 978-616-91408-3-2.

[15] Che Man, W. K. (1990). Muslim separatism. The Moros of southern Philippines and the Malays of Southern Thailand. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. p.105.

[16] Abuza, Z. (2009). Conspiracy of silence. The insurgency in Southern Thailand. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press. p.17.

[17] Ibid. p.18.

[18] Human Right Watch. No One is Safe: Insurgent Attacks on Civilians in Thailand’s Southern Border Provinces (2007). Retrived from https://www.hrw.org/report/2007/08/27/no-one-safe/insurgent-attacks-civilians-thailands-southern-border-provinces (13 Nov 16)

[19] The Asia Foundation. The Case of Southern Thailand. 2013

[20] Ibid. p.13.

[21] Hussin, P. S. (2003). Challenge of war and search for peace. In A. Rasul (Ed.), Muslim perspective on the Min­danao conflict. The road to peace and reconciliation (pp. 10–19). Makati City, Philippines: Asian Institute of Management Policy Center.

[22] Che Man, W. K. (1990). Muslim separatism. The Moros of southern Philippines and the Malays of Southern Thailand. New York, NY: Oxford University Press. p.19.

[23] Abreu, L. M. (2008). Colonialism and resistance: A historical perspective. In B. M. Tuazon (Ed.), The Moro reader. History and contemporary struggles of the Bangsamoro people (pp. 8–17). Quezon City, Philippines: Policy Study Publication and Advocacy, Center for People Empowerment in Governance in Partnership with Light a Candle Movement for Social Change. pp. 9-10.

[24] May, R. J. (2013). The Philippines. The ongoing saga of Moro separatism. In E. Aspinall, R. Jeffrey, & A. J. Regan (Eds.), Diminishing conflicts in Asia and the Pacific. Why some subside and others don’t (pp. 221–232). London, UK: Routledge. pp. 222-223.

[25] Ibid. p.223.

[26] May, R. J. (2013). The Philippines. The ongoing saga of Moro separatism. In E. Aspinall, R. Jeffrey, & A. J. Regan (Eds.), Diminishing conflicts in Asia and the Pacific. Why some subside and others don’t (pp. 221–232). London, UK: Routledge. pp. 224-226.

[27] Pitsuwan, Surin. (1985). Islam and Malay Nationalism: A Case Study of the Malay Muslim of Southern Thailand. Bangkok: Thai Kadi Research Institute, Thammasat University.

[28] Giraldo, J. & Harold Trinkunas. (2007). “Transnational Crime” dalam Alan Collins [ed.].

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